中日领土争议溯源

2010年11月16日 2 条评论

Why China and Ugly Japan are oceans apart
YouTube上看似不应受追捧的热门视频,是一段有关一艘小渔船的40分钟短片。逾150万人(主要在日本和中国)观看了发生在海上的这一幕,仅略少于登录该网站观看另一段40秒视频的人数——后者观看的是一只名叫泰森(Tyson)的小狗踩着日本人玩滑板的视频。
The unlikely YouTube hit of the moment is a 40-minute video about a little fishing boat. More than 1.5m people, mainly in Japan and China, have watched this ocean drama, only a tad fewer than those who logged on to a 40-second clip about Tyson the skateboarding dog-Japanese.

短片中的这艘中国拖网渔船,是9月一起事件的焦点——该事件使得中日关系降至2005年以来的冰点。上周泄露的这段短片,意在展现一艘中国渔船在钓鱼岛周边水域撞击日本海上保安厅舰艇的画面。钓鱼岛在日本被称为尖阁列岛(Senkaku ),这些岛屿无人居住,但中日两国争夺激烈。这一段视频的泄露,再度点燃了围绕日本拘捕中方船长时间的争议——此次事件引发了中日外交角力。由于中国政府施加了强大的政治压力,日本检察机关以担心中日关系为由释放了中国船长,没有对其提出起诉。
The featured Chinese trawler is at the centre of a September incident that brought Sino-Japanese relations to their lowest point since 2005. The footage, leaked last week, purports to show a Chinese boat ramming a Japanese coastguard ship in waters close to uninhabited, but fiercely contested, islands known as Senkaku in Japan and Diaoyu in China. Its release has reignited controversy over Japan’s arrest of the captain, which set off a diplomatic shoving-match between Beijing and Tokyo. So intense was the political pressure from Beijing that Japanese prosecutors released the captain without pressing charges, citing concerns about Sino-Japanese ties.

该视频的泄露,似乎是为了支持日本的说法:即该国别无选择,只能在本国控制的岛屿附近,拘捕故意冲撞日本舰艇的中国渔船船长。中国政府始终否认这艘渔船主动挑衅,尽管许多中国网民正是因此而把船长奉为英雄。
Tokyo’s apparent climbdown in releasing the captain provoked a backlash at home. Even Yoichi Funabashi, editor-in-chief of the Asahi Shimbun, Japan’s most liberal mainstream newspaper, published an anguished letter in which he decried Beijing’s actions. “If China continues to act as it has, we Japanese will be prepared to engage in a long, long struggle with China.”
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美国众院新议长:我会带来哪些改变

2010年11月11日 没有评论

Column: What The Next Speaker Must Do
????????????????????????11????????????????“????”(Andy’s Cafe)???????????•??(John Boehner)?1938?????????????????????????????????????

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I grew up in a small house on a hill in Cincinnati, Ohio, with 11 brothers and sisters. My dad ran a bar, Andy’s Cafe, that my grandfather Andrew Boehner opened in 1938. We didn’t have much but were thankful for what we had. And we didn’t think much about Washington.

That changed when I got involved with a small business, which I eventually built into a successful enterprise. I saw firsthand how government throws obstacles in the way of job-creation and stifles our prosperity. It prompted me to get involved in my government, and eventually took me to Congress.

Millions Buy Clomid Online Pharmacy No Prescription Needed of Americans have had a similar experience. They look at Washington and see an arrogance of power. They see a Congress that doesn’t listen, that is ruled by leaders who seem out of touch and dismissive, even disdainful, of the anger that Americans feel toward their government and the challenges they face in an economy struggling to create jobs.

The political landscape Buy lamprene has been permanently reshaped over the past two years. Overreaching by elected officials — in the form of pork-laden ‘stimulus’ spending, permanent bailouts, and policies that force responsible taxpayers to subsidize irresponsible behavior — has awakened something deep in our national character. This has led to a surge of activism by citizens demanding smaller, more accountable government and a repudiation of Washington in Tuesday’s elections.
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黄光裕在用人策略上的几项重大失误

2010年11月9日 没有评论

一是去家族化。2004年国美成功上市以来,作为创始人和大股东,黄光裕就开始了去家族化,随着企业的壮大,为国美电器立下汗马功劳的黄家人除了杜鹃一一离开了国美。到2008年底黄光裕和杜鹃出事,国美高管层中已经没有了黄家的亲属。2009年中旬,国美电器新任董事局主席陈晓宣布了一份国美核心高管8 人名单,黄光裕家族成员没有一个出现在其中。随着陈晓股权激励、让出总裁大位、逼高管站队等戏法的一个个上演,黄光裕彻底深刻地感受到了没有自家人的痛楚。实施去家族化的初衷是在创始大股东能够控制公司的前提下尽可能多地引进职业经理人团队,但像黄光裕这样比较彻底的去家族化,负面后果是值得创业企业家们深思的。

二是决策权与经营权不分。目前所获知的信息中,国美电器的董事局和经营管理班子高度重叠,陈晓、王俊洲、魏立秋、孙一丁等都既是决策层董事会的成员又是经营班子的高级管理人员,权力过于集中,缺乏制衡机制。陈晓敢于与黄叫板,就在于他所掌控的董事会不但拥有决策权还拥有经营权,只是成功策反几个人就能把整个国美抓在手里。

三是重外轻内。黄光裕在并购永乐时才与陈晓有了深入的接触和了解,大有相见恨晚之感,委以总裁重任,忽视了从内部选拔培养人才,让总裁张志敏等人离开国美更使得内部创业团队离心离德。引进了一个总裁,压住了原先就对这个职位抱有希望的副总裁,这实际上是对副总王俊洲的不认可。副总裁升不了,下面的经理也升不了,副经理的晋升也受影响,以此类推。压一个压一串,忽视了空降兵的负面作用,一大帮得不到正常晋升的人就会产生怨气,一旦有机会就会露出头来,在关键时候就会成为压垮天平的最后一根稻草。

四是识人不够,忽视归降人员的再叛问题,错用陈晓。早在2006年国美并购永乐时就有人对陈晓归降国美的动机和后果作出过负面猜测,如今不幸应验。无论如何,以国美电器当时的发展状态,完全可以有条件有能力委托专业机构对董事和高管的人选进行品德验证。对归降人员的使用片面强调信任而忽视了监管和预立制约措施。

五是错推邹晓春。8月4日黄光裕提请任命没有在国美和家电连锁业工作过的邹晓春与黄燕虹担任董事,再一次空降,这让外界并不认可,也让王俊洲再次觉得失望,彻底与陈晓站在了一起,他给予了陈晓”一直以来都是一个出色的有感染力的领袖人物”,是”值得信赖的同事和亲密朋友”等高规格的赞许之词。邹在初次出面时的应对显得浮躁,表现出敦厚有余权谋不足,能力上不是陈晓和国美现有高管层的对手。陈王联手主观上是陈王的贪欲所致,客观上也有黄光裕自己的功劳。

六是在股权激励政策上的失误。股权激励方案在黄出事之前就已经有了方案,但黄一直迟迟没有实施。2009年7月陈晓借助黄光裕对董事会的授权实施了股权激励措施,把占现有已发行股本约3%的股权授予105名高管。以当日每股1.90港元的收盘价计算,激励方案总金额近7.3亿港元。这不仅创下中国家电业纪录,激励范围也至为广泛,覆盖了副总监以上级别人员,在利益的驱动下,陈晓慷公司之概做了个大好人,成功策反国美管理层,国美团队自此对陈晓的对抗彻底软化。黄光裕在在致国美员工的信中,公开责难这个措施,直接把管理团队推到了陈晓这一边,直到928投票之前才改口承认既成事实。此类涉及权力层团体利益的事谁占了先手只能认输,做不了正激励却去做负激励,对于聪明如黄光裕和邹晓春来说,这是典型的意气用事和低级错误。
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七是分化瓦解叛逆势力的应对失据。收伏叛将是一险招,必须有理有利有节,更需要思虑周详,方案严密,实施谨慎,力图一击必中。雍正收伏有异心又手握重兵的年羹尧时,提副将为主将,提一个提一串。调开年的心腹异地升职,去其羽翼。再找个理由降为杭州将军直至贬守城门最后赐其自尽。虽然有些戏说的成分,但想好对策再来发难不给对手任何机会的思路是十分清晰的。反观黄光裕的做法却是在没有严密周到安排的情况下先将陈晓的失德通告天下,再下战书决战,颇有西楚霸王和宋襄公的遗风。除了得到道义和公众支持外,实质上占据先手的地方甚少,连拉王打陈的意愿都没有看到。之后却是一软再软,一退再退,进退失据,终致928失利。
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